Speeches

Madam President, honourable Members, thank you for this debate. In these difficult times when democratic principles and human rights are increasingly challenged, it is important to show that the European Union continues to uphold and promote these fundamental values. This debate also shows that the European Union has not forgotten the writer Boualem Sansal, and is now expressing solidarity to the journalist Christophe Gleizes. I hope this can be of some relief to them in the difficult situation in which they find themselves. Mr Leggeri and Madam Maréchal, if they are still here, were talking about suspension – European Union financial assistance to Algeria does not entail direct transfer of funds to Algerian public authorities. The European Union finances projects of common interest implemented in the country by international organisations, European public bodies and development agencies, private companies and civil society organisations, just to clarify this situation. To conclude, I would like to assure you that human rights will continue to be a fundamental part of our dialogue with the Algerian authorities. We will remain fully engaged on the case of Boualem Sansal and now of Christophe Gleizes. Thank you so much for this debate.

Madam President, good evening, dear Members of the European Parliament. It is with dismay that we find ourselves here again debating the imprisonment of Boualem Sansal. On 1 July, the Court of Appeal of Algiers has confirmed his five-year prison sentence, handed down at first instance on 27 March. We had hoped that during the appeal hearing, the judicial authorities would finally consider that the facts which motivated the arrest of Boualem Sansal are protected by the right to freedom of expression. These hopes have been disappointed. Moreover, two days earlier, on 29 June, the sports journalist Christophe Gleizes has been sentenced at first instance to seven years. He has been charged with 'apology for terrorism', despite what appears to be an empty case file. These convictions are based on articles in the Algerian Penal Code that are vague and subject to various interpretations. This appears in contradiction with the Algerian Constitution, which explicitly protects freedom of expression. I hope that the Algerian legislature will look into this possible contradiction in order to address it. In the meantime, Boualem Sansal and Christophe Gleizes should not remain in prison. Boualem Sansal, who is advanced in age and in poor health conditions, is in prison since November last year. Christophe Gleizes, before being convicted, has been 13 months under judicial supervision, during which he was held in Algeria with a ban on leaving the country. It is therefore extremely important that a solution allowing their release is found quickly. Dear honourable Members, Algeria is a close neighbour and important partner of the European Union. Algeria is a partner for the upcoming New Pact for the Mediterranean. Article 2 of the European Union-Algeria Association Agreement stipulates that respect for democratic principles and fundamental human rights constitutes an essential element of the Agreement. On this basis, the European Union has repeatedly raised the case of Boualem Sansal with the Algerian authorities. The High Representative / Vice-President was personally involved and intervened directly. I have also done so in my contacts with the Algerian authorities. I assure you that the European Union will continue its efforts to secure the release of Boualem Sansal and, now, of Christophe Gleizes.

Madam President, honourable Members, thank you very much for your contributions. I have been listening carefully. In my introductory statement, I already said a lot. So, against all odds, there are also opportunities with the dire situation in Gaza. As a short-term measure, we need to focus on the resumption of full access to humanitarian aid. After all, it is about the most pressing needs of the population on the ground, as I already said: food, clean water and health services and, of course, electricity. The longer-term path to recovery and reconstruction will be complex and challenging. I already explained that there is a plan, but let's see, which was endorsed by Arab countries. We are looking into it, and let's see, but there are some preconditions, meaning a ceasefire which should hold and last. We want to go this path together with our partners in the region and with the Palestinian people. The relocation of the population or the questioning of the territorial integrity cannot have a place in a sustainable solution in Gaza. There were some diverging views here, but I am grateful for the vast support you have shown this evening. I think that parliamentary diplomacy is also very important. Your outreach, your expertise in state-building could be essential for the future of Gaza. Gaza's reconstruction needs the backing of all of us. So, once again, the Commission, Member States and Parliament in a team Europe spirit.

Madam President, Council President, honourable Members, we are very worried by the evolution of the situation in Gaza and the threats to the fragile ceasefire. We continue to call on both parties to ensure that the ceasefire lasts and that all hostages can and will be released. The first priority for Gaza currently is to resume full access to humanitarian aid. Let us recall that there are 3.1 million people who are affected by 15 months of conflict ahead of the January ceasefire. The local population should not again suffer from the hostilities from all sides. The European Union and its Member States are among the biggest financial supporters of the Palestinians, and currently the largest donors to the Palestinian Authority and to UNRWA. It has already mobilised an additional amount of EUR 120 million for humanitarian assistance. Since the onset of the Gaza crisis, this brings our total contribution to EUR 450 million. The package of essential services includes food, clean water, healthcare and shelter. So far, 4 500 tonnes of humanitarian cargo have been transferred via humanitarian air bridge flights to Gaza. The European Union has also expanded its civil protection mechanism for medical evacuations in Gaza. A blockage of the delivery of humanitarian assistance and interruption of services such as electricity would have devastating consequences for the population on the ground. Second, the extension of the ceasefire or a move to the second stage of the ceasefire and release of all hostages are the only ways to permanently end the hostilities, and it would allow us to start the early recovery and reconstruction of Gaza. While European Union efforts are currently focusing on scaling up humanitarian support, we are also preparing for a long recovery and reconstruction phase. On 18 February, the European Union released its Gaza Rapid Disaster Needs Assessment, together with the United Nations and the World Bank. This assessment looks at the damages, losses and needs. It estimates that EUR 49 billion are required over the next decade. The Egyptian-led reconstruction plan came to similar conclusions. Housing requires the largest share of recovery needs – about 30 % – followed by the health sector, commerce and industry, and agriculture and food. Given the magnitude of needs, the European Union cannot act alone. The international community must take collective and coordinated efforts to support Gaza's recovery and reconstruction. This is why we are working closely with our Arab partners. We welcome the Arab Recovery and Reconstruction Plan that was endorsed at the emergency summit of the League of Arab States in Cairo on 4 March. We are studying the technical details of the plan in order to identify and create possible synergies, and we look forward to the upcoming international conference on Gaza that Egypt will host soon. Large-scale recovery and reconstruction can only start when there is stability on the ground. This includes arrangements on the governance and security of Gaza. We firmly reject any attempt of relocation of the population or of territorial change in Gaza and the West Bank. Discussions on the recovery and reconstruction of Gaza must involve the Palestinians. The Palestinian Authority is their legitimate body. When it comes to Gaza governance, we see the Palestinian Authority as the only viable partner. This is why we are committed to supporting a reformed Palestinian Authority and avoid its fiscal collapse. Last year, the Commission disbursed almost EUR 400 million in emergency funding to address the most urgent needs. We are now preparing a multi-year, comprehensive programme for the Palestinian recovery and resilience. It is based on the reform agenda of the Palestinian Authority, and we are encouraging Israel to support it by releasing withheld tax revenues. We hope that other regional stakeholders, including in the Gulf, will also support this approach. Finally, I want to highlight the essential role that UNRWA has played. It has delivered more than half of the entire emergency response in Gaza over the last 15 months. As a provider of many essential services to Palestinians, also beyond Gaza, UNRWA has an important role. They are a humanitarian and development actor. As European Commission, we will continue our support to the Palestinian refugees and to the UN agency. Let me finish by saying that I am looking forward to high-level political dialogue with the Palestinian Authority in April. It will take place on 13 or 14 April and will be a good occasion to take stock of the reform achievements. We must not forget the central role of the Palestinian Authority and the role which it will have in the day after in Gaza. Thank you and I am looking forward to your debate.

Madam President, dear Members of the Parliament, thank you for your contributions to this debate. All of us know, and all of us agree, that Syria's transition is in the making, that the path to stability and prosperity is long, and that the challenges are numerous, but we should remain there. This is something I hope all of us agree on. Only a few words on the latest outbreak of violence. So we welcome, as I already said, the announcement by the interim authorities to support the investigative commission which is being established. Everything must be done to prevent any such crimes from happening again. This is why I said at the beginning that they had to translate their commitment into action. On the Brussels conference, once again we think that it is a very important one, and a little bit different than earlier. For the first time, the Syrian interim authorities have been invited together with the United Nations, alongside Syria's neighbouring countries and other regional partners. There will be two different panels and two different pledges. One will be to address the immediate needs of the Syrian people, with the focus on socio‑economic recovery. At the same time, it will be addressing the serious humanitarian needs which still exist. On the different groups, some of you mentioned the Christians and the protection of Christian minorities or communities. You all know that the new authorities in Damascus have a major responsibility to ensure the protection of all components of society and to refrain from acts of vengeance. We are sure that this their task, but let's see what the future will bring. Of course, we have to protect all Syrians in their diversity, based on the equal rights of citizens. Once again, a very important issue is to support the inclusive transition in Syria, because it is critical for the regional security. On returns – returns cannot and should not be rushed. In the context of a very fragile transition, something which we want to see is whether and at what moment Syria will be proclaimed a safe third country. So let's see how this will go. On sanctions, we have already suspended sectoral sanctions, but now let's see how to proceed with financial sanctions. We know that American sanctions are already there. So let's see. All that we have been doing in January and February at the Foreign Affairs Council has been in a gradual and irreversible manner. I want to thank you for the support you have shown this evening. Syria's reconstruction will need the backing of all of us – of the Commission, of the Member States and of Parliament – in a Team Europe spirit. Parliamentary diplomacy, outreach and expertise in state‑building are of the essence at this critical juncture for Syria. What is important is that we here in Europe remain united and committed, and Syria's future depends on our collective action today. So we are looking forward to the resolution, which I hope will be voted tomorrow.

Madam Chair, Presidency of the Council, honourable Members, thank you for having this very timely debate on Syria. The resolution that you will adopt tomorrow is the first of this Parliament after the fall of the Assad regime, and it is a vital contribution to the further shaping of the European position. When we last debated the situation in the country, here in this House in mid-December, the former Assad regime had just been toppled. Three months after, while the fall of the regime represents clearly a historic window of opportunity and hope, the challenges the country is facing remain immense. Three out of four Syrians depend on humanitarian aid. This includes essential areas such as food insecurity, water and housing, but also health and education. Around half of the population are without clean water. After 14 years of war, Syria's economy is in ruins. The GDP loss is estimated at EUR 740 billion, and in its current trajectory, it may not regain pre-war GDP levels before 2080. The poverty rate today is at 90 %. Two thirds of Syrian people live in extreme poverty. Around half of the children in Syria are not attending schools, and energy production has fallen by 80 % compared to pre conflict levels. In addition to the economic catastrophe, there is an overwhelming human tragedy that needs healing. Syria mourns over 618 000 casualties and 113 000 missing persons. Coming from a country with missing persons, I understand that not knowing the whereabouts of your loved ones is unbearable. More than 12 million Syrians have been forcibly displaced, out of which 7.5 million being internally displaced and almost 2 million living in camps. Moreover, tensions in the south and the recent escalation in coastal areas show us clearly how fragile the security situation remains. The European Union condemns strongly any form of violence against civilians. A swift investigation must be conducted. The investigative commission established is a welcome commitment that needs to be translated into action. However, there are also positive developments. The agreement reached between the Syrian authorities and the SDF is an extremely positive step that could pave the way for increased stability. A resurgence of civil war or Daesh must be prevented at all costs. Overall, the situation remains quite volatile and we need to remain vigilant. It is vital that Syria's territorial integrity, unity and sovereignty must be respected, not least by the neighbouring states. The European Union has been leading international efforts and support since 2011. We kept Syria in the political forefront. We have invested, jointly with our Member States, more than EUR 35 billion in support of Syrians in Syria and in the region. This is the moment to keep our leading role and step up our support to Syrians at this historic point and we have been doing so over the last three months. Last month, I had the opportunity to participate in the Paris conference on Syria, in the so-called 'Aqaba format', alongside interim Foreign Minister Al-Shaibani and international partners. Three key conclusions emerged from the meeting. First, a peaceful and inclusive transition in Syria and Syrian stability are critical to overall regional security and the European Union. We want this transition to be Syrian-led and Syrian-owned, guided by the respect of international law, human rights, fundamental freedoms, pluralism and tolerance among all components of society. The organisation of the national dialogue and the appointment of the Constitutional Committee are steps in the right direction. We must keep supporting the Syrian authorities so that these ambitious endeavours do not slide into delays. A swift conclusion of the government-formation process will be another step, with many more hopefully to follow. Second, while refugee returns are now a realistic perspective, with millions hoping to go home, returns cannot and should not be rushed in the context of a very fragile transition. The international consensus is clear: improving conditions inside Syria must be prioritised and we want returns to be sustainable and in line with international standards. Third, on sanctions, the European Union has responded to the international call for support, sending a powerful message in support of Syrian people. We suspended sectorial sanctions in energy and transport, and introduced new exemptions to allow the banking sector to re-engage with Syria on transactions associated to these sectors, as well as on transactions needed for reconstruction. As you are aware, the sanctions relief is rolled out gradually and is reversible. We will regularly assess if the conditions in Syria allow for further suspensions. The European Union is prepared to scale up its support for Syria's recovery and future reconstruction. We intend to scale up our development assistance inside Syria in key areas such as access to basic services, support to livelihoods and economic recovery. Our approach will be gradual and proportionate to the steps taken by interim authorities in view of an inclusive transition. As a tangible sign of our continued support and building on the last eight years, the European Union is preparing the ninth edition of the Brussels Conference on the future of Syria and the region. The conference will be organised on 17 March. It will mobilise funds from the international community to support the immediate needs of all Syrian people in the early stages of the transition. The funds pledged would be mobilised both in Syria and in refugee hosting-countries, with uncertainty concerning US assistance and decreasing pledges worldwide, the European Union assumes its increased responsibility to ensure that assistance reaches those in need. We are keen to cooperate in a coordinated manner with like-minded partners in the region and beyond. Our reconstruction efforts will be aligned with the upcoming New Pact for the Mediterranean and these bilateral partnerships and regional investment agendas. The reconstruction of Syria must go hand in hand with strengthening Syria's state institutions, and capacity-building is existential. Accordingly, we intend to call on the technical expertise from Member States. The electricity sector, for example, is an area where immediate support would be helpful. Syria's electricity infrastructure is of Western origin and where we can help, we should. Let me conclude by underscoring the paramount importance of justice and accountability. One can build all the houses and the roads, but the key remains reconciliation. The European Union will continue to support the different accountability mechanisms as Syria moves forward with its transitional justice. In this context, as also in the context of reconstruction, Syria's vibrant civil society within the country and abroad plays a vital role. The European Union remains a strong supporter of civil society actors and diaspora networks. We will keep supporting them in their historic task of rebuilding their country. Thank you very much and I look forward to your questions.

Mr President, honourable Members, thank you for your interventions – I will try to reply to some of your questions. The European Union's position is clear and has remained consistent throughout the discussions with both partner countries. The Commission will not support concrete investments in mineral processing for which the origin is uncertain. In Rwanda, current European Union support focuses on professionalism in the mining sector, for instance supporting skills of miners and digitalisation of licenses, as well as ensuring safe working conditions, including the fight against child labour and enhancing compliance with international safety and environmental standards. On suspending the Memorandum of Understanding, suspending could be self-defeating as it would remove the basis for this engagement with Rwanda and undermine an incentive to ensure responsible mineral production and trade by Rwanda. On sanctions against Rwanda – for several years, the European Union has had in place a regime of restrictive measures in view of the situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo, which complements the United Nations' sanctions. These have targeted, among others, the leadership of the armed group M23 and two Rwandan military officers. This is a dynamic process – the European Union is closely monitoring the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and can at any time extend the list of persons and entities targeted by its measures, if, of course, all Member States agree. Once again, I will repeat to Ms Vautmans – on the Commission financial allocation to Democratic Republic of Congo, the EUR 60 million are the initial allocation for the Democratic Republic of Congo under the Humanitarian Implementation Plan for the Great Lakes. Of this, as I said, we already allocated EUR 25 million in an emergency selected process to six partners and our rapid response mechanism in the Democratic Republic of Congo. As soon as we have more clarity on the situation and feasibility of the interventions by other partners, we will allocate the remaining EUR 35 million. It is too early to say whether the Commission can make available further funding, but we will certainly undertake efforts to do so and we then count on Parliament's support. To complement the funding, we are also looking into the possibility of organising a humanitarian air bridge into Goma, as soon as the airport will be open, and once partners' transport needs are clear. To conclude, the European Union will continue its efforts to bring humanitarian assistance to those in need despite all the difficulties. But it is clear that the humanitarian aid is insufficient in view of the dimension of the crisis, we are aware of that. So we must use all the political tools at our disposal to urgently bring an end to this fighting, all of you know, and this is what we can do only together.

Mr President, honourable Members, dear Minister Szłapka, what is happening in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is not a new crisis; it is an escalation of the crisis within the crisis. The humanitarian situation is devastating. Already before the latest developments, there were 800 000 internally displaced persons around Goma, cramped in heavily populated sites for displaced persons. Since the attack on Goma by M23 and the Rwanda army, many displacement sites are now reported to have been emptied. Some occupants have fled to other neighbourhoods of Goma; others have attempted to return to their villages in the Masisi and Rutshuru territories, which are currently under M23 control. The risk of forced closure of the remaining sites is high due to the policy of M23, which opposes the presence of this kind of sites in areas under its control. There are reports from Goma of around 3 000 deaths caused by the fighting, with bodies in the streets and overloaded morgues. All hospitals in this town are overcrowded and many are operating at twice their capacity. The threat for epidemics such as cholera is growing. Humanitarian actors are slowly coming back now that the fighting is over, and assessments for restarting the response as soon as possible are ongoing, notably at sites for displaced and medical facilities. However, the response is severely hampered by the security situation and by a lack of available commodities, as many warehouses of humanitarian aid agencies were broken into and looted during the fighting. The airport of Goma was damaged in the fighting and is not operational for humanitarian aid flights. Humanitarian access to the most vulnerable people has been limited and remains a challenge where fighting is taking place. We need urgent political action to secure a humanitarian truce, ensure the protection of civilians and enable full humanitarian access. The European Union has insisted on key humanitarian messages to all parties in conflict: keep borders open for refugees and humanitarian workers; allow humanitarian corridors where appropriate and ensure principled humanitarian access; ensure the protection of civilians and respect for international humanitarian law, particularly with the increased risk of gender-based violence in this context; preserve the safety of humanitarian staff, health workers and medical facilities; engage in negotiations for a humanitarian truce. It is imperative that the airport in Goma reopen for humanitarian flights to allow our partners to resupply their looted stocks and to bring in much-needed life-saving equipment. The European Union stands ready to continue supporting the humanitarian response. The European Union alone is the second largest humanitarian aid donor in the DRC – Democratic Republic of Congo. We have allocated EUR 112 million in humanitarian aid to the Democratic Republic of Congo last year. EU Member States are also strongly contributing to this response. As a response to this new crisis within a crisis, the Commission has accelerated the disbursements of its initial 2025 budget for the Democratic Republic of Congo of EUR 60 million. We are currently establishing which humanitarian partners still have the capacity to effectively intervene. On that basis, we have preselected the first six partners already on 27 January, while the fighting for Goma was still raging for urgent interventions of EUR 25 million of the EUR 60 million announced, and we are ensuring that these funds will be disbursed without delay.

Mr President, honourable Members, thank you for your interventions, for your feedback and your comments, which are very useful. This debate shows clearly that the Middle East region is a very important and crucial region for Europe. But more united and active European involvement is of paramount importance. I will try to reply to some of your questions. First of all, we are not silent. This is not the case. As we said in January at the Foreign Affairs Council, the Palestinian people have suffered greatly and both Israelis and Palestinians deserve peace. This was one of the conclusions, and all of us know this. The ceasefire is a positive development, but now we have to take steps in order to bring these hostilities to an end and to keep stability and peace in the region. From our point of view, once again, this requires a two-state solution. That is why the European Union is supporting the Palestinian Authority in its reforms to allow it to return to govern Gaza. So this is what we are doing. The international community must work with Palestinians to rebuild Gaza. We would welcome a proactive role from the United States in this reconstruction or reconstructing process. It is also worth recalling that among the five key conditions set by the Commission President last year on Gaza, one was the essential part of the future Palestinian state, and that there should not be any further displacement of Palestinians. This is something that we are saying and that was the conclusion of the Foreign Affairs Council in January. On Palestinian social protection law: yesterday, the new social protection law was signed by the Palestinian President Abbas and it is now to be officially published. The law replaces all existing allowances, including the payment to the families of the prisoners and martyrs. This decision is fully in line with the reform matrix as agreed between the European Commission and the Palestinian Authority. So we certainly welcome this step by the Palestinian Authority. On UNWRA: the European Commission will continue to support UNWRA both politically and financially. Precise amounts are being defined according to our NDC Global Europe regulation, and that's it. Last year, the European Union disbursed EUR 92 million to UNWRA following – very important – the Commission's monitoring of the implementation of the conditions that were agreed for funding. So we were monitoring the situation. On the EU-Israel Association Council and high-level dialogue with the Palestinian Authority: the EU-Israel Association Council will take place on 24 February, with 27 European ministers, as you know, who will be participating. The meeting will be the opportunity to discuss the situation in the Middle East, including the conflict in Gaza and EU-Israel cooperation. The high-level dialogue with the Palestinian Authority will take place in the margins of the 17 March Foreign Affairs Council. The Palestinian Authority will be represented by Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mustafa. Regarding the Gulf: someone said that he or she is in favour of coordination of the Gulf countries. Of course, this is exactly why Gulf countries are under my portfolio, Mediterranean – although we know that geographically they are not Mediterranean – we 100 % agree with this. So we have to work with the Gulf Cooperation Council but, of course, bilaterally, because they are also, as you know, diverse. So increasing engagement with the Gulf will be a very important component here. You remember this is what I said at the beginning: since the signature of the strategic partnership with the Gulf from 2022, we are trying to to increase engagement with all six countries. Last but not least, the European Union's approach to the Middle East, as all of us know, should ensure a full synergy with the proposals to be made under the new pact for the Mediterranean, which I mentioned, which will be done in consultation first with this House, in consultation with Member States, but also in consultation with those on the other shore of the Mediterranean. So this is something which we will be doing in the next 5 or 6 months. As I said, this debate is important, and I have to mention diplomatic efforts, which included first calling for the protection of civilians in line with international humanitarian law, then redoubling our humanitarian engagement in the region, then calling for dialogue between Israel and these neighbour countries to continue to keep stability and peace in the region. And, of course, we are seeking long-term solutions which bring peace and security to everyone. To conclude: yes, Europe wants to be a player. We have a role there and this is something which we want. Of course we have to increase our role and this is what we are doing. So, as you know, we are saying that we are payers and not players – we want to be players, both payers and players, not only payers – and this is something which is important. So once again, I can agree with some of you: no cooperation with terrorists, deradicalization, no hate speech, and, of course, promoting democratic values or our common values. On our dear colleague HR/VP: we work in synergy on the Middle East strategy. It's also part of my mission letter, so we are working together on this, so this is something which should be mentioned here. She is working with us and she will be with you as soon as possible.

Madam President, Minister Szłapka, honourable Members of the European Parliament, it is an honour to be here to present the Commission's foreseen contribution to the European Union-Middle East strategy. The wider Middle East is a region of key importance for the European Union in terms of geopolitical positioning, security and stability, and economic cooperation. It is also one of the most volatile areas in the world with multiple conflicts having strong humanitarian consequences and repercussions on regional and global politics in terms of peace, security and the global order, but also migration, energy and economics. The current disruptive and uncertain environment requires a strong signal of enhanced European engagement in the Middle East peace process. The ceasefire in Gaza, the fall of the Assad regime in Syria, and the election of a new leadership in Lebanon present an unprecedented opportunity for political transition, and strong European presence and engagement is required in these cases too. This new reality calls for a fresh and comprehensive approach and the European Union engagement to ensure a more impactful European role in the Middle East, to stabilise the region and anchor countries more closely to the European Union. Peace and stability in the Middle East are an overarching European interest. Key to this is a permanent peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians, based on the two‑state solution, which is the only way to ensure peace and security for both peoples. In seeking to revive a political horizon towards the two‑state solution, the European Union should work closely with like‑minded partners, the G7 and with regional partners. Also, thanks to its long‑lasting financial engagement, the European Union is well placed to play a leading role in the post-conflict stabilisation and early recovery, reconstruction, security and support to the future governance in Gaza. For the European Union, a revitalised Palestinian Authority is the only viable partner and we will continue to push and support for much needed reforms and modernisation. The European Union has for many years promoted the development of relations between Israel and the countries of the region in the understanding that normalisation of their bilateral relations will be beneficial to all parties, and represents a fundamental step for the stabilisation of the region as a whole. We continue to see further regional integration as an asset for a comprehensive and lasting peace for the entire region, and stand ready to work to this end together with our regional and international partners. We should also identify and support new forms of cooperation that can bring significant opportunities on a variety of horizontal topics that are strategic for the region, from natural resources to clean energy, critical minerals, and access to its growing, educated workforce. The IMEC project, which is the India‑Middle East‑Europe Economic Corridor, has been endorsed at G7 level to promote transportation and communication links between Europe and Asia through the Middle East, and if strategically designed, it can also be a key deliverable of an enhanced Middle East peace process. It is time for the European Union to use its convening power, as well as its financial clout, incentivising reforms, allowing a stable transition, taking full part in the process of reconstruction, and providing an offer for economic prosperity. Increasing the engagement with the Gulf countries will be another key component. Political and financial support from key Gulf countries will be particularly important to the European Union's efforts to reignite the Middle East peace process. Since the signature of the 2022 EU strategic partnership with the Gulf, the European Union has sought to increase its engagement with the six GCC partners – Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates – which are emerging as important geostrategic players. Last but not least, the European Union's approach to the Middle East should ensure its full synergy with the proposals to be made under the new pact for the Mediterranean, both in terms of enhanced bilateral economic cooperation partnerships, but also in terms of regional and thematic initiatives. The European Union should reflect on leveraging on its biggest strengths: the internal market, the creation of mutual investment opportunities, and corridors for cooperation in key sectors such as energy, water and digital connectivity. Dear Members of the European Parliament, during my hearing, I made it clear that I view working with you, honourable Members of this Parliament, as an essential ingredient of my professional DNA, and as key to successive initiatives and to the formation of a stronger European unity. Against that background, I will be careful listening to you today and to your suggestions of what shall be the key principles and key components of the European Union's approach to the Middle East.

Mr President, honourable Members, I have been listening carefully to all of the debates since 09:00 this morning, this being the most important one, of course, due to my portfolio. I understand that this is a political arena and all of you are speaking either from your own political background or from your party background, but I want to go back to my introductory statement just to repeat some issues. First of all, now I am even more convinced than I was at the beginning of the debate how broad the issue of demography is, how horizontal it is, and how important it is. Just to say a few words on the Commission, five years ago, President von der Leyen decided to establish a new portfolio and demography because we were aware that there is a problem in Europe. Now, 2 or 3 months ago, she decided to establish a new portfolio on housing because we understood that this is a big problem not only in Lithuania or not only in France, but also in Ireland, everywhere across the board. This is the reason why we have now a new portfolio and we will be dealing with this. This is very important to repeat again. When we started this demography portfolio, we started with Demography Report I, with Demography Report II, after COVID, after Brexit, this was the reason, after the migration crisis and so on. Then we came out with the Green Paper on Ageing. Then we came out with the Child Guarantee. Then with the CARE package. Then with the long-term vision for rural areas. Then with the talent harnessing initiative, the so-called brain drain initiative. And then the last document was the demography toolbox. It was, as I said, at the request of the Council. I highlighted at the beginning that demography – when we talk about mortality rates, fertility rates and birth rates – it's about Member States' competences. We are sticking to the Treaty. But, when we talk about creating conditions, and this is what we have been doing all the time, this is the reason why many of you mentioned cohesion policy here. Cohesion policy is key, of course. What is my key ambition? Trying to insert into the budget – someone was speaking about budget – a demography budget line. Although it's scattered all over different lines. This is one. And to be totally open to you – this was not in my speaking points, but I want to make you aware of what is going on – my initial ambition as of the beginning of my former mandate – although I know that you might not be in favour of creating new burdens, new institutions – but my final ambition would be in the mid-term, not to say long-term, to create an EU agency for demography because someone has to deal with it in one place. Of course, I will need your support for this. I will need the support of the 27 Member States, which is not easy, and, of course, my institution, which is the Commission. Just to let you know, because I have been listening about this wherever I went to the 27, I visited almost all Member States during my mandate, and everybody was talking about what you have been talking today, but in fact, we need one central place. We have one in the Commission, but this is not enough, and this is the reason why I want you to share this with you today. Once again, today's discussion is not a discussion about migration, but migration is part of the equation. It's not about migration. It's about parents – I mentioned parents in the first pillar. It's about families. We are trying to do everything in order to make young people feel that they can have children. But we are doing this indirectly. We are not doing this directly because this is Member States who can support the different measures, what we heard from different MEPs. So it's about parents. It's about women. 8 million European women – I don't know whether you are familiar with this – are not in the labour market. Not because they don't have their CVs, they don't have their diplomas, because they cannot afford care: either a nursery home for their parents or childcare for their kids. So this is what we have to change. This is also about gender. Only 450 000 men are out of work and 8 million women, which means that we have big disparities in gender. This is also about gender. When I was speaking about young people, we are speaking about upskilling, reskilling because they have diplomas, but the problem is that education is slower than the development of technologies and the labour market. They have diploma and then they have to upskill or reskill because their diploma doesn't match to the needs of the labour market. This is the problem and we want to change it. Of course, within these two pillars, it's about housing also. Housing is a key problem nowadays and we have to deal with it. And this is why I said at the beginning, cohesion policy as of 2027 and even earlier, we'll deal with this phenomenon. When I was speaking about older people, this is the third pillar, it doesn't mean that we can impose 'you have to work after 65'. You know what happened in some Member States – I mentioned France – when they wanted to change the pension age. So we cannot impose anything from the Commission side. But it's about thinking about longevity. If we know that we live in the last five decades, in the last 50 years, we live ten years more, that means that we may have to work more. But I know that this is, for some people, blasphemy. But I'm saying this without any problems, you know. So some of those who want to work, let them work. Those who want to retire, let them retire. So this is something we have to flexibilize: working hours. And we have to think about this and to recommend to Member States, as I already said. Then we come to the fourth pillar, because this human capital is not enough. We have human capital. We somehow try to find in all these three pillars maximum, but it's not enough. Then we have to talk about legal policies, legal migration. As I said at the beginning, many SMEs and others – I don't want to repeat – they need people. They need labour. Of course, how are we doing this? It's not about randomly using these people, but we are creating talent partnerships, talent pools. We already have talent partnerships with 4 or 5 Member States. And this is what my colleague, the Commissioner for Home Affairs, has been working on. So this is how we think about this. Otherwise we cannot solve the problem of Europe. Yes, you can tell me there is artificial intelligence, there is robotics, that some of these services can be replaced. But you can't replace humans with all of this. So this is the reason why we badly need human capital and this is what it is all about. So why am I saying this? I'm saying this because when I talk about demography, I'm talking from the angle of competitiveness. This is all what we have been talking about. This is the first priority of this new Commission. And knowing what's going on, even with our allies in the States, but knowing what's going on with India, China, we have to stay competitive. And this is all about human resources, about us. So I just wanted to share with you that I was listening carefully and I understood what it is all about. But we somehow need to understand that Member States have to play their part there. They are different due to political realities and political landscape, so you cannot impose, but we can recommend. Someone said that we need demographic indicators: yes, we inserted demographic indicators in the European Semester. So we have now demographic indicators there. So the European Semester, every half year, you can find the figures there which is I think super. So let me be clear, having children is a personal choice, it's not something which we can impose. Having a family is also a personal choice. Of course, as I said indirectly, we are creating an environment. Cohesion policy is key here. But otherwise, of course, someone mentioned the freedom to stay. This is part of Enrico Letta's report, when he said this is the fifth freedom: freedom to stay. Freedom to stay means that you have decent wages, that you have decent housing, and then you decide whether you migrate because you want to get to another country or you stay in your region. So the disparities are great, are huge, we have to work on it, and this is all about the economy and competitiveness in the end. So how to solve this competitiveness? On differences like urban and rural, east and west, young and old, we want to quit with this. Of course, not to make Europe really be convergent and cohesive. This topic should be mainstreamed. And I hope you understood that this is not an easy job. But I told you that my final ambition would be creating one focal point; it could be an institute or agency or bureau, I don't know, but someone has to deal with this in a very organised and serious manner. We are doing it, but this in the Commission is not enough. I really want to thank you for creating the intergroup on demography. This is also something, but little-by-little maybe this could be also a committee. And, of course, we depend on the Council and Member States whether they will support the idea or not. I don't know whether it's mature enough at this moment, but it could be during the course of this mandate, I hope that I will be able to offer the idea of creating a European agency. Thank you very much for this very interesting debate, and let's stay in touch.

Mr President, Presidency of the Council, honourable Members, I am happy to have the opportunity today to discuss with you one of the most prominent challenges for our societies, demographic change, and to outline where we are with the implementation of the Demography Toolbox. It is very good that we are having this debate here in this House within the first 100 days of this Commission. In fact, as all of you know, people across Europe live longer, healthier lives and this, for a start, is a very positive development with a lot of opportunities. Just think of the older generation who now have more time with their grandchildren, or who may be able to be in the labour market longer if they wish. However, a working-age population in decline comes with increased pressure on labour markets, on public budgets, Member States' social welfare and pension systems and our economic productivity. In a nutshell, demographic change affects Europe's competitiveness. It's all about competitiveness, as you know, it's not about birth rates, it's not about fertility rates, although this is also important, but it's Member States' competence. So we don't interfere in the Member States' competence but according to the Treaty we can interfere in this and this is something that the Member States asked us to assist and to help with and this is what we have been doing. This is why the European Council of June 2023 called on the Commission to develop a Demography Toolbox, and we did indeed embark on a multifaceted journey during the previous Commission mandate and I already had the privilege of overseeing the process back then. You know that demography was my first portfolio during the last mandate and this time I have been assigned the portfolio on the Mediterranean but also on demography and this is also important to say, although it's not mentioned in the title. I'm happy to say that at the General Affairs Council – GAC – in December 2023, Member States endorsed the Demography Toolbox and our intention is to support its implementation. The Demography Toolbox provides a comprehensive set of European Union policy tools that are available to support Member States in managing demographic change and its impacts. It builds on best and promising practices from across the Union and complements national-level action, as I already said. It is structured around four pillars. The first pillar focuses on support for parents. The aim is to better reconcile family aspirations and paid work. This includes ensuring access to quality childcare and a healthy work-life balance. What we also need to consider here is the care strategy, for instance, with regard to the parents of the parents, grandparents or the older population generally. In this context, we should aim to ensure that the many people who currently provide informal, long-term care to family or friends will, in the future, be able to participate fully in the labour market. And this will increase public revenues and employment in the long-term care sector. The second pillar focuses on supporting and empowering children and younger generations. This includes developing their skills, facilitating their access to the labour market and providing access to affordable housing. Just think of the rent for inner city accommodation. For example, in many places housing is becoming more and more expensive, as all of you know, and this is why we have a dedicated portfolio for affordable housing in this Commission. This was the reason for establishing a new portfolio. The European Child Guarantee aims to counter social exclusion by guaranteeing children in need effective access to key services, such as free early childhood education and care. This is a flagship initiative of the ambitious European Union Strategy on the Rights of the Child, which we endorsed also for the first time during the last mandate. The third pillar focuses on supporting older generations and sustaining their welfare. In a longevity society it must be possible for older employees to remain active for longer, but it is again Member States' competence so we don't want to interfere, but we can recommend and think about flexible working hours. At the same time, we need to ensure an adequate income in old age and access to high quality and affordable long-term care. The fourth pillar is about tackling labour shortages through managed legal migration. This is sometimes very sensitive, but this is something which we cannot omit here. While the employment rate in the European Union has reached a new record high more than half of all companies report labour shortages, and the situation is even worse with SMEs, 74 % of which suffer from a lack of skilled workers. While prioritising the activation of our domestic workers and local employment, legal migration from non-EU countries can help fill gaps at all skill levels. Why am I saying this? Because in the first pillar I was talking about parents, about women, about gender, in the second pillar, about youngsters whose diplomas don't match the needs of the labour markets and in the third, there are some older people who would like to work but cannot work because of the limitation of retirement. So we have enough potential there, but still it's not enough. And we need to talk about legal migration. There are already several European instruments to facilitate the recruitment of qualified workers in the European Union. The aim is to enhance legal pathways for international labour mobility: the revised Blue Card Directive, the Talent Partnerships and the proposal for the set-up of the Talent Pool, on which we hope to progress quickly in the legislative process. The Action Plan on Integration and Inclusion 2021-2027 supports Member States with effective integration of legally residing migrants. It includes actions that aim to improve employment opportunities and recognition of qualifications of migrants, developing inclusive education and training. Dear Members, I have mentioned just a few examples of the tools that are available to Member States. The Communication is a comprehensive set of policy choices available to Member States. It is my firm belief that in addressing demographic change, gender equality, non-discrimination, fundamental rights, including children's rights, and intergenerational fairness and solidarity should be at the heart of these policy choices. We should also not forget to ensure equal access to education, employment, health and housing for vulnerable groups and give everyone an equal chance to thrive. The Toolbox recognises the need to take on board the territorial dimension of demographic shifts. I think we all know examples of rural regions that experience the phenomenon of population decline and outward mobility of young people, the so-called brain drain. The country where I come from is no exception. In this regard, the Commission has stepped up efforts to counter the risk of territorial disparities. We want to aim at transforming all EU regions into dynamic, talent-driven locations. Our communication on harnessing talent in Europe's regions is a contribution to this task. The Talent Booster Mechanism is being fully operationalised. It provides hands-on technical assistance to some of the most affected regions and funding for reforms and innovation, which is already materialising, with projects on the ground in 70 plus regions and cities. Also, regional and urban policy has a strong bearing. The ninth Cohesion Report, published in March last year, provides insights on how cohesion policies can help Member States address demographic change. It is very well possible, for example, to develop a lively research and innovation environment to secure a functioning long-term infrastructure of valuable intergenerational projects also outside urban centres. When we come to the implementation, let me also refer to my mission letter for this term. Steering the implementation of the Demography Toolbox is one of my main tasks linked to demography during this Commission's mandate. We have already made some progress and I thank you for the numerous contributions from this House but there is still work to be done. Several actions of the Toolbox Communication are ongoing or planned for the near future. To mention just a few: first and foremost, we are embarking on a Union of Skills. This is a priority for this Commission. I already mentioned this this morning when we talked about competitiveness and Council conclusions. The idea is that an older workforce would need considerably more upskilling to support technological change, decarbonisation and digitalisation. I mentioned lifelong learning this morning. Central to this will be, first, embedding lifelong learning into education and careers, and second, supporting the training and career prospects of teachers. The mid-term review of cohesion policy programmes, due this year, provides an excellent opportunity to reassess the situation of regions facing demographic challenges. The allocation of cohesion policy funds can be adapted to demographic needs where necessary, and this is what we are doing. There will be a doubling of European Union support for housing. This is very important to mention, just to know that cohesion policy will be a little bit different. Further, the Joint Research Centre has started the transformation process of the Atlas of Demography, which is an online platform that shares research and data on the effects of population change on European Union policies. The review of the Work-Life Balance Directive in 2027 will give an opportunity to assess whether the rules still fit the evolving working practices. It is important for our societies that we foster the reconciliation of work and care responsibilities for both working women and men with care responsibilities. In addition, I think we should reflect on other labour market reforms meant to tackle longevity, such as the possibility to have flexible retirement paths. To conclude, demography is a horizontal issue, as all of you know, and this is why the work of mainstreaming demographic concerns in relevant policy proposals at the level of the European Union, and their impact assessment is ongoing. I have also been tasked with ensuring that the European Union facilitates Member States' efforts to address their demographic challenges. This will require regular dialogue and exchange at all levels. Our discussion today is a very good and excellent contribution, a valuable contribution to this task. What we need is a whole government approach involving all actors in the economy and society, in a democratic and inclusive manner. Tackled in this way, demographic change can be managed to strengthen Europe's resilience overall. Just to let you know that the Spanish Presidency conclusions recommended that Member States establish demography ministers or ministers at their level and this is what we are aiming for. At the moment, there are only three Member States that have these demography ministers but I think – and this is a recommendation of course and it depends on the political situation and on coalitions – this is something which is good. Only Italy, Greece and the country I know best have these ministers. In this spirit, I look forward to listening to your fruitful exchange and I thank you very much. I know that I exceeded the time, but this was necessary. Later on, I'll give my concluding remarks.

Madam President, honourable Members, first of all, I would like to thank Ms Strack‑Zimmerman in particular for initiating this debate. She hasn't heard me, but okay. The debate illustrates the importance of continuously strengthening our security and defence posture. This means with the financial resources, military equipment, but more importantly, with the strong will and commitment, not only in response to Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, but also to other threats: emerging conflicts around the globe and challenges posed to our resilience. For example, the European Union needs to act urgently to ensure guaranteed access in an unrestricted manner without third‑party dependencies when it comes to satellite connectivity. The IRIS2 space flagship programme will fully and concretely address this imperative. We have the capacity to equip our Union with the tools we need. To this end we must remain united, as our unity is what makes us strong. The white paper on the future of European defence will pave the way for our future actions, and we will have a say on it. The Commission will set the ambition high, also with regard to tackling cyberattacks and hybrid attacks. But it will be in the hands of Member States to implement it. Here I am referring to the Council. On the role of the European Parliament, the European Parliament is an important stakeholder in the implementation of defence ambitions as co‑legislator of the European Union defence programmes – the European Defence Fund, ASAP for ammunition, and now EDIP. As co‑decider of the next EU budget, the European Parliament has a significant impact on our level of ambitions at the European level, and in particular in ensuring an ambitious defence budget in the next MFF. Once again, Ms Strack‑Zimmerman, because you didn't hear it at the beginning, I want to thank you in particular for initiating this debate. We are looking forward to this Parliament, relying on you, but also to the Member States.

Dear honourable Members, to respond to the complex threat landscape, we have made the defence and security of our citizens a top priority of this Commission's mandate. Russia's brutal and unprovoked aggression against Ukraine now enters into its third year. Our adversaries are increasingly using hybrid threats to undermine and influence our democratic and economic systems and our institutions. Cyberattacks, information manipulation, interference in campaigns, arson, vandalism, sabotage against our critical infrastructure (notably the recent subsea cable incidents), instrumentalisation of migration, as well as an outright military aggression – this is all part of one single threat continuum. We need to be united to strengthen our security and defence, to build a genuine defence union. In the last few years, we have taken important steps forward, notably in support of Ukraine. I will repeat what was said by the Council: the Commission's agenda is based on the conviction that the best investment in European security is investing in the security of Ukraine. The European Union has also invested in our defence industrial readiness with the following tangible initiatives: the European Defence Fund, the Act in Support of Ammunition Production, and through support to the joint procurement of defence products through the European defence industry reinforcement through common procurement Act (EDIRPA). We will have to ramp up our defence production to address the defence capabilities gaps and the shortfalls in military material. This means spending substantially more but also better. As the European Union, we provide added value, European scale, European coordination and European funding to support joint funding or joint investment across the board, not just on ammunition but in all areas of defence production. The European defence industrial strategy and the proposal for a European defence industry programme are important building blocks for this. We should also not forget the key potential of building synergies when funding dual‑use technologies. The role of the European Parliament as co-legislator is vital in order to rapidly deliver an ambitious European defence industry programme (EDIP) and support the Commission's agenda. We also need modernisation and innovation and we need to get to work on our projects of common interest – our defence shields for air and for space. To prepare the way ahead, the forthcoming white paper will address the military capabilities, defence industry and funding which is required in order for the European Union and for our Member States to step up rapidly, in line with NATO capability targets. Security and defence remain intrinsically linked with transatlantic security. Together with the white paper on defence and the Union preparedness strategy, which will respond to different threats, scenarios and security challenges, as well as the new cybersecurity crisis management blueprint, the new European internal security strategy will set the stage for the European Union's work on preparedness, security and defence. The internal security strategy will cover all threats, both online and offline. We will ensure, and this will ensure, that security is integrated in European Union legislation and policies by design. In parallel, our security calls for improving our ability to cope with many armed conflicts and surging crises in the European Union's wider neighbourhood. The European Union's 22 common security and defence policy missions and operations are testament to the global volatile security environment. With the European Union's rapid deployment capacity, we have an important new military tool to help in crisis situations, for example, the rescue and evacuation of our citizens. To conclude, strengthening the European Union's security and defence capabilities requires a comprehensive, cross-sectoral, cross-border approach. And we count on the European Parliament's support in putting the European Union on track to protect our people.

Madam President, Prime Minister. Honourable Members, I sincerely thank you for this debate and your contributions to the challenges we are facing with regard to the crucial security items. They have been neatly addressed by the Polish Presidency. To a very large degree, we see a sense of shared purpose and a joint determination in this House to tackle the priorities of the Polish Presidency, and to do this in a spirit of joint ownership and close collaboration between our three institutions. Those security topics are indeed challenges, but they are also opportunities. Let us think of three mutual gains that we can achieve. First, the European Union has to and will become more resilient towards malign security threats. Second, we can become more self-sustaining in the production of vital resources and commodities that we would otherwise have to import. Third, we will be able to become stronger together with other international partners or players. If we work hard and with a sense of unity, we will be able to preserve key elements of the European way. As the Commission, we are glad to be in tune with the priorities of the Polish Presidency, and we are equally glad to count on the joint determination of this House and the Council Presidency to constructively work on timely agreements and on current and upcoming legislative files in this area. It is a crucial and rewarding approach to think in a whole-of-society security dimension. It is in this spirit that the Commission is looking forward to closely working with you on the implementation of the priorities of the Polish Presidency.

Madam President, dear Prime Minister, honourable Members, it won't be easy to speak now after this speech, but I will try my best. The Polish Presidency comes at a time when the Union is facing multiple challenges. We are experiencing a time of geostrategic insecurity, concrete external and internal security threats, and less predictable international relations all together. Yes, this is also a time of clear opportunities for us to improve our resilience, our unity, and to emerge stronger, as already was said by the Prime Minister, in a world of multilateral cooperation, which is no longer a standard norm. Dear Prime Minister Tusk, let me thank you, on behalf of the entire European Commission, for outlining the pertinent priorities of your Presidency. It is very reassuring to see that they are very much in line with and complimentary on the concrete steps of this new Commission. We are taking them to deliver for the present and to prepare a stronger Union for the future. Coordinated action is the way forward for Europe, and it is very good that we are on the same page when it comes to addressing fundamental challenges we are facing together. Russia's brutal war of aggression in Ukraine will soon enter its fourth year. We need to continue to stand steadfast and united behind Ukraine, while keeping the pressure on Russia through the 16th package of sanctions. We count on the Polish Presidency, as the honest broker, to steer this work. The very volatile situation in the Middle East will remain another focus. Regarding Gaza, we will start developing a dedicated reconstruction plan for Gaza with the support of international partners, including our partners in the Gulf. We will also take forward a multi-year support programme for the Palestinian Authority, which is anchored in reforms to help pave the way for the two-state solution. Regarding the situation in the Middle East and the war in Ukraine, on both matters, we will work with President Trump and the new United States administration. Allow me to comment on the Commission deliverables and expectations under the seven security dimensions which you have addressed. First, on defence and security. There should be no doubt that our ambition must match the scale of the threats. Our white paper on the future of European defence is planned for March. We look forward to the leaders' retreat on 3 February, which will provide the necessary guidance and inspiration to this work. We regard with regard to the European Defence Industry Programme, it is very good to know that we count on the Polish Presidency and on this House to reach an agreement by 30 June. This is the date when the current act in support of ammunition production expires. We will also soon present the Preparedness Union Strategy, inspired by Sauli Niinistö's insightful report. We will also work with you to strengthen our internal security, and our plan is to present a strategy soon. As part of the enforcement of the Digital Services Act, a relevant component is the fight against child sexual abuse. In this regard, we need to finalise the work on the regulation. Second priority, protection of people and borders. In December, the Commission presented the Communication on Countering Hybrid Threats from the Weaponisation of Migration and Strengthening Security at the European Union's External Borders. Ahead of the upcoming European Council on 20 and 21 March, we plan to adopt the proposal for a new legal framework on returns of irregular migrants. This new framework is vital in order to achieve workable paths of legal migration, that we need to fill labour shortages at all skill levels. We count on the sense of urgency and shared purpose of this House and of the Member States. We need to advance the interinstitutional negotiations soon, once the proposal has been adopted. On safe third countries, our review of the concept will be concluded by June. We are also working on a list of safe third countries and safe countries of origin at Union level. There is also the opportunity for the Polish Presidency and this House to soon agree on the phasing in of the entry-exit system, as proposed in December last year. Regarding our resistance to foreign interference and disinformation, with the European Democracy Shield, we will step up the fight against disinformation, foreign interference and foreign information manipulation. We are grateful that we can build on the very solid work of this House through the two subsequent special committees on foreign interference and disinformation in the last term of the European Parliament. Your stocktaking, fact finding and recommendations constitute a very useful expertise and guidance for our own work. Regarding ensuring security and freedom of business. The Commission will adopt a competitive compass which will build on the Draghi Report. The first pillar aims at closing the innovation gap with the United States and China. The second one is about decarbonisation and competitiveness and clean industrial deal. And the third pillar is on increasing our economic security and reducing dependencies. Another important deliverable is the omnibus simplification package on sustainable finance, which is also part of the 'first 100 days' initiative. It is crucial to respond to the request of the industry to lighten the regulatory load. A streamlining of the legislation depends on the support of the Member States and of this Parliament. Let me recall that better lawmaking is a joint task and that this covers the entire legislative process. We should also not forget the crucial role of human capital for the European Union's economy. In this regard, we will adopt an initiative to deliver a true Union of skills. Central to this will be to embed lifelong learning into education and careers. Regarding the energy transition, we will also soon adopt an action plan on affordable energy prices to help households, enterprises and industries through the transition. This deliverable is complementary to the Clean Industry Deal and it is a key item of our competitiveness initiatives. Two other key initiatives under the Polish Presidency will be our roadmap to phase out Russian fossil fuels, and our proposal on the revision and extension of the Gas Storage Regulation. Both initiatives will help to reduce our dependency on energy imports. We trust in the dedication, expertise and steer of the Polish Presidency in the Council on these two important files. On a competitive and resilient agriculture, we have listened closely to our farmers over the past year. This was a most worthwhile exercise, as our farmers play an important role in securing the sustainable production of competitive, quality food, and at the same time in strengthening our autonomy from food imports. We will adopt soon our vision for agriculture and food. It will be the basis for the post-2027 common agricultural policy. The CAP is going to have to continue recognising the crucial role of our farmers, not only in respect of the production of quality food, but also of their valuable work in preserving the environment and the rural cultural landscape. The seventh and the final of the Presidency security dimensions is health security. Last week we presented an action plan on the cybersecurity of hospitals and healthcare providers. We are on a good path when it comes to completing our work on the crucial safeguarding of our critical infrastructure. It goes without saying that the whole of infrastructure approach also covers healthcare services. They matter to all citizens wherever they live. Let us also recall some unfinished business regarding or addressing the health priority. A Critical Medicines Act will soon complement the pharmaceutical package. Also here, the strengthening of the security of supply in the pharmaceutical domain is a key security item. Dear Prime Minister Tusk, honourable Members, the Commission looks forward to a successful cooperation with the Polish presidency on all matters. The current term will allow us to pave the way for future presidencies of the Council. In particular, on the post-2027 multiannual financial framework and as a follow up of the pre-enlargement policy reviews. Unity and our capability to act are vital ingredients for achieving greater security. Thank you very much for your attention and I look forward to your debate.

Madam President, honourable Members. many thanks for this lively debate and very constructive debate. As all of us know, the world is moving fast. So must we. As has become evident recently, the geostrategic and security context is more challenging for the European Union than ever before. However, we can build on some solid ground of unity and togetherness, and we should engage constructively with our partners internationally. That was a clear message from the leaders at the December European Council. With regard to the new American administration, there are very relevant spheres of mutual interests across the Atlantic. Let us explore these spheres and look at mutual gains rather than differences in opinions. Whatever we agree on with our partners internationally, the competitiveness of the European economy is key. We have a strategic agenda for the Commission, as you know, and it is very reassuring that this vision is shared by the European Council. We will need to timely implement our competitiveness compass. Honourable Members, since the European Council meeting of 19 December, we have witnessed some positive developments in the Middle East. In Syria, the situation has been rather stable. Together with our partners, we should invest in humanitarian, economic and capacity-building support to help rebuild the country. This will also help create the appropriate environment for the safe, voluntary and dignified return of Syrian refugees. Regarding Gaza, we are hoping that the ceasefire is going to be permanent. We are keen to rebuild Gaza as soon as possible. We will also take forward a multi-year support programme for the Palestinian Authority and coordinate reforms. This programme will be instrumental on the way to a two-state solution. This means that we will also continue our collaboration with Israel based on the Association Agreement. The world is watching how we sustain our support to Ukraine. One of the most immediate challenges is the energy system. Just like the brave Ukrainian resistance, we will be steadfast. Dear Chair, dear President of the European Council, honourable Members, to conclude, we are glad to see that there is a large degree of support in this House to bring our joint vision forward. Let us keep our sense of unity and our sense of action. The world is calling for a strong and united Europe. Let us rise to this occasion together.

Mr President, honourable Members, I was listening carefully to all your remarks. For months, the people of Georgia have been demonstrating their undeniable attachment to democratic values and European future. The European Union will not abandon them on their journey. We will further step up our support to civil society and independent media so they can continue their work during this crucial period. We will also further improve our communication. What we are doing today is sending a message from this plenary. To the Georgian people, we must send a strong message of support and of the European Union's continued commitment. To the Georgian Dream, we need to highlight the cost of these actions.

Mr President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, for almost three weeks, the Georgian people have been protesting across the country to defend their democratic and European future. The unprecedented protests followed the announcement by the Georgian authorities of their decision not to seek the opening of accession negotiations until 2028. This step is a clear shift from the policies of previous Georgian governments and the aspirations of the vast majority of the population. It is also the first time ever we see a country that was granted candidate status immediately and markedly shifting away from its European path. The situation in Georgia keeps deteriorating. Over the past two weeks, more than 450 individuals have been detained. Around 300 have reportedly suffered violence and ill treatment, many requiring urgent medical care. The police charged over 400 individuals with administrative and over 30 with criminal offences, while no one from the law enforcement or informal violent groups has been held accountable for the excessive use of force. These events are not isolated incidents, but part of a broader pattern of Georgia's democratic decline. Prior to the parliamentary elections on 26 October, that were marked by serious irregularities, the authorities adopted the foreign influence law and so-called family values legislative package. Both these legislative initiatives go against European norms and values. In June, we responded by adopting a number of measures, including downgrading political contacts and suspension of assistance: EUR 30 million under European Peace Facility assistance and EUR 121 million in direct assistance to the government. Georgia's accession process has been effectively halted. The authorities have not reversed their course of action. Honourable Members, it was time for the European Union to react in a decisive and unified manner. This is what the Georgian people expect us to do. Those responsible for the violence need to be held accountable, and the authorities need to take urgent steps to stop the repression, release the protesters arbitrarily detained and re-engage in the accession process. Yesterday, at the Foreign Affairs Council, we agreed to halt the visa-free regime for diplomatic and service passport holders. We also discussed sanctioning under the European Union Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime those Georgian officials responsible for, involved in or associated with serious human rights violations. At the same time, we will continue to stand with the Georgian people, including by redirecting funding away from the authorities towards the civil society and towards independent media so they can continue their work during this crucial period.

– Madam President, thank you, dear honourable Members, I have listened attentively to your remarks, and thank you for your visions and for your proposal. I can agree that we have to give children a voice. As a preliminary draft assessment, the Commission believes that such an initiative would require analysis, preparation, building on existing initiatives and already available funding schemes, in close consultation with all relevant stakeholders. But coordination is necessary. These stakeholders would include – I will repeat – international organisations such as Unicef and key children’s rights organisations. The provisions and safeguards of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child will need to underpin this proposal, with the best interests of the child at the centre. It is also important to consult local and regional stakeholders, and especially children themselves, on their priorities and their needs, which could be broader than this specific initiative. Joining forces is key to make a change in children’s lives – together with the European Parliament, with Member States, local authorities, international and civil society organisations, practitioners, the whole society and children themselves. In this vein, I also want to thank this House for your engagement and partnership in making the European Union Strategy on the Rights of the Child and the European Child Guarantee a reality for every child. At this stage, we take good note of welcoming and underlying principles, and the importance of embedding children’s rights in local realities. We also note that this initiative seems to be at a preliminary reflection stage. To conclude, we therefore invite you to analyse this proposal in more detail, taking into account existing initiatives and mechanisms. We will evaluate your proposal. And I have to tell you, on a personal note, when I was a mayor back in 2000, I established a Children’s City Council so children could elect or select their own mayor, because we know that democracy starts at a very early stage. You might have noticed that we adopted in the European Commission the Defence of Democracy package, which was announced by President von der Leyen in this House. Today, we have to defend democracy – it’s obvious, unfortunately. So where do we start? We have to defend democracy from within. It’s not only about disinformation and something which comes from different third countries; it’s also within. We have to make our children be literate to differentiate between what is fake and what is a lie. What is true? What is this information? What is genuine information? So we have to start from a very early stage and this is what we are proposing. This is very important. We established the Children’s Participation Platform, which is now operational, so children can express their views there. So I think that this is very important. I see Ms Bischoff here remembering the future of Europe. You know that we incorporated one third of youngsters into this exercise, and youngsters for us are children from 16 to 25 years old. So we know when we talk about the future of Europe, we talk about their future. So how can you talk about them without them? And we want to have them in. I think this initiative is excellent. It’s always about resources, so let’s see how we can join forces and how we can find resources. So at this stage we take good note, but it doesn’t mean that we cannot develop this initiative in the next mandate. Thank you very much for this initiative and let’s stay in touch.

– Madam President, honourable Members, I want to thank you for presenting this initiative. Working on democracy and demography, we have the word , meaning people. Our work in the European Commission also signifies taking into account the views of all generations in our democracy. When it comes to children, I want to make the point that they are our agents of change. Throughout my mandate, children have made it clear to me that they are engaged citizens and eager to participate in their democracy. Equally, making children’s rights a reality in all dimensions must take place at all levels of governance. This includes the local level, the cities, the regions. This is where we can see how we can make a difference in children’s daily lives. The European Union continues to put children’s rights at the heart of its efforts. Just three years after its adoption, the Commission has delivered on the commitments to turn the Strategy on the Rights of the Child into action. It is about empowering local and regional actors to cover all dimensions of children’s rights. Everything from health and social inclusion to services and protection against violence. I would like to single out one key issue that we have collectively tried to address together throughout this mandate, and it is child poverty. In the European Union, one in five children is affected by poverty and socioeconomic exclusion. Many of these children live in cities, it is not only in rural areas. When it comes to the implementation of the European Child Guarantee, our key instrument to tackle child poverty, cities play a crucial role in delivery of services such as early childhood education and care, education, including school-based activities and healthy lunches, and also housing, which is a key problem in Europe nowadays. So it is essential to continue investing in children. It is essential to fully implement the European Child Guarantee. Also in the next mandate, child poverty in the European Union must be eradicated once and for all. Cities are key actors in democracy. The participation of children in political and democratic life is a right, it is also a necessity to make our democracies more resilient from within – it’s not only from outside. So children want and they have the rights to be included in developing solutions to their problems. They want to be involved in decisions at home, at school, in their cities, regions, countries, but also at the European level. That is why we have launched the European Union Children’s Participation Platform, together with children, civil society organisations and the European Parliament. I also want to thank the Intergroup for children because we really cooperate, this is very good collaboration. We, therefore, learnt about your initiative to establish a European capital for children with interest. In this vein, we also need to recall that any initiative involving children needs to be comprehensive. As you are probably aware, similar ideas have been developed at the European Union level. For example, the very successful European Capital of Culture, European Capital of Democracy – the European Capitals of Inclusion and Diversity Award also recognises the role that cities and local authorities play in fostering diversity and inclusion. The objectives that you set out with this initiative are at the heart of some existing funding schemes. The European Commission Citizens Equality, Rights and Values programme fosters children’s engagement and participation. It also supports citizens’ engagement and participation in the policymaking process. Civil society and international organisations have developed initiatives that aim at supporting cities in becoming more attuned to children’s needs, and empowering children in voicing their ideas. For example, a Child Friendly Cities Initiative has been led by UNICEF with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child since 1996. All these initiatives require a thorough and complex process of preparation and management. This would also require exploring all existing mechanisms which could already support such an initiative as the European capital for children. I will end now here, listen to your remarks and then, in the end, I will express our position.

– Madam President, honourable Members, there is no need to repeat what has been said here this morning. But I have to say that I would subscribe all the statements this morning but one, which was really horrible, by the pro-Russian guy, who tried to disseminate this disinformation, fake news and propaganda. To hear this was disgusting. The Commission is committed to continue supporting the work of the International Centre for the Prosecution of the Crime of Aggression Against Ukraine via Eurojust. The Commission aims to secure long-term funding for this institution and welcomes that the US will contribute with over USD 1 million to this institution. Eurojust’s Core International Crimes Evidence Database is fully operational to support the activities of the International Centre for the Prosecution of the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine. The Commission, together with EEAS, is committed to taking forward the discussions on the establishment of a special tribunal for the crime against Ukraine. This discussion has shown the magnitude of the commitments of all of us and that all of us share the same commitments, and we have to address this issue in a much heavier manner, if I may say so. Time is ticking, and we all need to do our utmost to ensure that these children return to their families and communities. To return the missing Ukrainian children is of vital importance to us in our work, both in terms of political priority and through various initiatives that we will continue to support. We must help millions of Ukrainian children overcome the terrible trauma that has been inflicted on them to enable them to regain a sense of normality and to regain their childhood in the end. Every child matters and every Ukrainian child represents Ukrainian future. This is a sentence with which I will repeat: Ukraine cannot be rebuilt without its children. In this way, we must ensure that Ukrainian reconstruction efforts and national reform processes mainstream children’s rights and needs throughout. This is something which I’m also in charge of in my demographic portfolio. Investing in children is an investment in Ukrainians’ future, in Europe’s future and in a safer world. So it is investment in humanity. To conclude, once again, Russia must be held accountable for these horrible acts. The European Union is taking action. Sanctions have been imposed on 39 individuals for the deportations and for this forced transport of Ukrainian children. We keep drawing attention to these horrible acts also in the international fora, which is also important. And, as I already said in my introductory statement, we cooperate under ‘Bring Kids Back UA’. So, together we can do more and we are trying to do our best.

– Madam President, dear friends from Ukraine, dear honourable Members, dear minister, a generation of Ukrainian children has experienced more than a year of fear, loss, tragedy and violence. They had to leave life as they know it behind them. Russia’s illegal war of aggression against Ukraine is having a devastating effect on all Ukrainians, but especially on children. The European Union is not silent in light of Russia’s unlawful deportation or transfer of Ukrainian children. This is a terrible crime inflicting unimaginable suffering. The perpetrators of these crimes must be held accountable. These children must return to their families and to their communities. To achieve this, the European Union fully supports a number of different initiatives. The European Union participates in the Ukrainian initiative to bring kids back to Ukraine, supported by President Zelenskyy’s office. This initiative will unite the efforts of the Ukrainian authorities, foreign governments and international organisations and works on returns, on accountability and on prevention. In Kyiv, the European Union is part of the Group of Friends on Children and Armed Conflict in Ukraine with other foreign missions. The European Union will also continue to support and engage with the UN’s children and armed conflict mandate, and welcomes Russia being included in the ‘list of shame’ for the first time this year. We welcome the launch of the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children on 3 February this year. The European Union will continue to follow the work of the coalition closely and is currently assessing how it can best support the coalition and its activities. The European Union is also fully committed to take all necessary efforts to ensure that those responsible for the crime of unlawful deportation or transfer of Ukrainian children are held accountable. Seventeen Member States have so far opened investigations into international crimes committed in Ukraine, and the European Union is supporting these national investigations through strengthening judicial cooperation via Eurojust. Six Member States and Ukraine are members of the joint investigation team, to which the ICC and Europol are participants. In this vein, we warmly welcome and support the issuing of arrest warrant by the International Criminal Court. The fact that the court singled out the acts of unlawful force, deportation and transfer of Ukrainian children as the war crimes as a base for the first arrest warrant since the start of Russian invasion illustrates both the urgency and severity rightly attached to the issue. The European Union has so far supported the ICC with over EUR 10 million since the beginning of the invasion. The court is a key actor for consistency and enforcement of the international criminal justice system. The European Union has been and continues to support the Prosecutor General’s Office of Ukraine to strengthen its capacities to investigate and prosecute international crimes committed in Ukraine. This also includes support for the Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group together with the US and the UK. We have financed the IT advancement of the Prosecutor General’s Office with EUR 4 million. We are furthermore dedicated to support national investigations opened into international crimes committed in Ukraine. In addition, the European Union is committed to improving the coordination of various support efforts to the Prosecutor General’s Office through the international platform of the dialogue group. Dear Members, I look forward to today’s exchange.

– Madam President, honourable Members, I want to thank you for this interesting debate. I took note of all your comments and also questions, and please be reassured that I will convey all of them to Commissioner Vălean. The debate shows that the views on the medical checks and the self-assessment are divergent. That is why in our Commission proposal we left the final decision to the Member States. Our aim was to ensure road safety, but also allow Members to find the right balance to have this measure effective and proportionate. Following this exchange today, I am pleased to note that even though there are diverging opinions on certain issues, we all share two main goals of the Commission’s proposal: to strengthen road safety and to facilitate free movement. I look forward to the vote, where I hope Parliament will support our proposal. While the file will unfortunately not be concluding during this current mandate, I am sure that the Plenary vote will send out a strong and unequivocal message to citizens that our Union is ready to work together to ensure that everyone can feel safe on our European roads.

– Madam President, honourable Members, on behalf of my colleague, Commissioner Vălean, who cannot participate in this debate due to other institutional commitments, I would like to thank the TRAN Chair, Karima Delli, the shadow rapporteurs and the rest of the Committee for their quick and constructive work on our proposal to update the Driving Licence Directive. This is a historic piece of legislation, if adopted. This will be the fourth such directive since the original one adopted in 1980. Today, we are so used to the fact that we can drive across the European Union with one driving licence that it seems difficult to imagine when driving licences were not automatically recognised between Member States. Since 1980, we have gathered countless best practices, closed loopholes, implemented important reforms and adapted to a changing world. The revision again improves what we already have. It does not seek to reinvent the wheel, and I would ask you not to support amendments that could hamper the elements which would work well and are the basis of a well-established system. Amendments to the definitions and minimum-age requirements currently in force fall into this category. These are especially important for categories B and B1. I would also like to remind you that introducing the concept of demerit points to the directive is problematic, as this would likely prove to be technically challenging to implement considering there is no harmonisation of road traffic offences and penalties at the European level. Moreover, demerit points schemes, where these are used, vary significantly from one Member State to another. I would ask you to instead focus on issues on which we put attention when drafting the proposal. One concerns the accompanying driver scheme in the European Union. We are proposing that it should be open to 17-year-olds for licence categories B and C, as we wish to build on the positive results seen in the Member States that already have such a system. We now want to make the scheme mandatory. Anything less will cancel out the positive impact on road safety, and it will also diminish its contribution to tackling the current shortage of professional drivers. I want to remind you once again that the road freight sector had around 400 000 unfilled positions at the last count. I would also ask for your support for our proposal to raise the minimum standards used to ensure fitness to drive. This applies to all drivers, regardless of age. Today, Member States have no mechanism in place to ensure that category A and B licence holders are medically fit when they renew their licence 15, 30 or 45 years, or even longer, after it was issued. We want to make clear that all drivers who are fit to drive should be allowed to do so. However, holding a driving licence is not only about entitlements, it is also about responsibilities. Between 5% and 15% of all traffic accidents can be attributed to the driver’s medical fitness. I want to make reminder that the Commission chose to include in its proposal the possibility to do a self-assessment, which we still believe to be viable and proportionate on our way forward. I would urge you to support amendments that uphold our level of ambition, so that we can help citizens understand when it is safe to drive. Finally, I would like to thank you for your support on the probationary period for novice drivers, the European Union digital driving licence, the new system for the exchange of third-country driving licences and the easing of language requirements for driving licence applicants living in Member States other than their own. Each of these measures is key to ensuring that the fourth Driving Licence Directive achieves its goal: greater road safety and facilitation of free movement within the European Union. I look forward to this interesting debate and to the adoption of your report, which I am certain will help improve safety on our roads and will offer more opportunities for our citizens wanting to exercise the right to free movement.