What Michal spoke about.

Before moving on to the next point, I would like to say that, as regards the recommendation for a decision submitted by the AGRI Committee not to raise objections to the delegated act, which was announced at the beginning of yesterday's sitting, no objections were raised within 24 hours. Therefore, pursuant to Article 111(6), the recommendation is deemed approved and will be published together with the adopted text.

Madam President, Mr Commissioner, dear colleagues, the trouble with authoritarian politics is that without pushback, it becomes ever more aggressive and dangerous. The European Union has learned this the hard way with Putin. But it seems to me that we haven’t really learned this lesson when it comes to our own values and rule of law in Europe. We now have a Member State government that has stifled independent media, captured independent institutions, which is spreading hate against minorities, and where billions of EU money has disappeared into the hands of oligarchs close to the ruling party. We also have a Member State whose government works to dismantle the independent judiciary by targeting judges, by firing them. Now, all of this takes place in the EU, a democratic community, with EU financial support and despite the many mechanisms and tools that we have in place to protect our values. Today we are here to discuss Article 7, which if you look at it, is a fairly straightforward procedure with hearings, with recommendations and ultimately sanctions. So on paper, it is a pretty powerful tool. In practice, the Council has made it toothless and quite opaque. Hearings are random and non—transparent, and even today, even after everything that has happened in Hungary, the Council has failed to even agree that this constitutes a serious breach of EU values, despite no unanimity needed for that statement. Now thankfully, and after much hesitation, the Commission has finally activated the Conditionality Regulation. But even here there is a risk that the scope will be too narrow and that it will fail to address the systemic deficiencies and risks that stem from the absence of checks and balances in the rule of law, which is precisely what this regulation is for. Colleagues, I remember last time around many of you were saying when we had this debate that the situation is now unprecedented with a full—scale war on our borders. And now here we are four weeks later after the massacres in Bucha, Mariupol and many others, and what strikes me is that I hear many voices, even in this House, saying that while in times of war we should relax our principles and our rules when it comes to defending democracy in Europe. But I strongly believe that this is precisely the opposite of what is needed. After Putin’s invasion, many have said that we are now locked in a broader, protracted conflict between autocracy and democracy, between Vladimir Putin’s model and our European model, between tyranny and freedom, between brute force and the rule of law. And I agree. I agree that this is this is the conflict that we’re facing, which is precisely why, now more than ever, it’s important to protect our democratic model in Europe, why we cannot relent, why we cannot now relax our rules, because otherwise, how are we going to prevail in this conflict that is upon us?

The next item is the debate on the report by Martin Hojsík, on behalf of the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety, on the proposal to amend Annexes IV and V to Regulation (EU) 2019/1021 on persistent organic pollutants (COM(2021)0656 – C9-0396/2021 – 2021/0340(COD)) (A9-0092/2022).

– Just before the next speaker, Mr Rangel has asked for a blue card, which is not typically used in the first round of speakers, but feel free to have the floor for 30 seconds, as Mr Verhofstadt agrees.

The next item is the debate on the report by Domènec Ruiz Devesa, on behalf of the Committee on Constitutional Affairs, on the proposal for a Council regulation on the election of the members of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage and repealing Council Decision (76/787/ECSC, EEC, Euratom) and the Act concerning the election of the members of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage, annexed to that decision (2020/2220(INL)) (A9-0083/2022). I just want to remind you here, before we begin, that we are testing some of the recommendations of the Focus Group on Plenary Reform. Many of you have had the opportunity to experience this before, so all these rules apply.

Mr President, according to the statistics of the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights, around 80% of Roma in Europe live in total poverty, in disastrous conditions, often without access to drinking water, medical care or education. And the poor social situation often at the level of developing countries is, of course, exacerbated by the fact that this largest national minority in the European Union lives in discrimination in all areas of life. And virtually all experts, including the Commission, agree that education is the key to breaking generational poverty. That is why I would like to ask the Commissioner today: More than six years have passed since the launch of infringments against Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Hungary for discriminating against Roma children in education. The children born then are now in their first year, most of them probably doomed to failure. That is why I ask: when will the Commission finally intervene to prevent the persistence of discrimination against these children in the Member States?

Mr President, Alexei Navalny is a symbol of freedom in Russia today because he stood up to Vladimir Putin with his candidacy for president and his fight against corruption. Ukraine has also become a symbol of freedom. She bravely confronted Putin and his bloody war with the active defiance of her people and her army. Vladimir Putin hates freedom from his soul, fearing it perhaps more than NATO fighters or a strong EU economy. In fact, he is terrified of that freedom, the change of thinking and the penetration of freedom into Russian society. That's why he jails his critics, liquidates the media and represses protests, unleashes wars and bombs civilians. It is clear that it is precisely because of this fear that Putin cannot stop. So it won't end, just as it didn't end with the poisoning of Alexei Navalny or the occupation of eastern Ukraine before. Only the freedom of Russian society, now symbolized by Alexei Navalny, can hinder it.

Madam President, it took the Commission 459 days to trigger the conditionality mechanism against Hungary. And let’s be honest about the reasons behind this long—awaited decision: it was never about the ECJ ruling or the Commission’s guidelines, nor some recent transgressions in Hungary, because these have been documented for over a decade; it is about the massive toxic influence of one non-democratic leader on the entire EU political system, poisoning everything from values to energy policies, to our security and foreign policy choices. By now, everyone should see that Mr Orbán’s Hungary is not a local problem. A month ago, we entered a new era of war in Europe, and if every Member State behaved as Hungary, there would be no EU response. In fact, there would be no EU. So now, at last, we need a robust EU action, blocking funds for Orbán’s kleptocracy and, if it comes to that, indeed, moving with Article 7 and suspending voting rights in the Council. Because dithering over EU values is what brought us here, and it must end now.

Madam President, let us no longer cover our eyes. Vladimir Putin is directing the dismantling of democracy in our countries directly from the Kremlin, and this is no longer about circumstantial evidence or suspicious connections or fictitious looking loans to far-right politicians. The spies that Vladimir Putin installed across Europe have long and systematically subverted European democracy. In my country, Slovakia, the secret service just a few days ago revealed and documented how diplomats of the Russian embassy recruited, corrupted and used a colonel of the Slovak army or a pseudo-newsman from a conspiracy medium. Our naivety towards Putin has gone too far. We must no longer tolerate that the Russians, under diplomatic cover, carry out spying activities, corrupt our citizens, spread disinformation and polarise society. Indeed, if we want to stop Vladimir Putin, we not only need to expel his spies, but we also need to realize how many people in our countries have helped them to subvert European democracy.

The next item is the report by Mr Zdzisław Krasnodębski, on behalf of the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy, on the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on guidelines for trans-European energy infrastructure and repealing Regulation (EU) No 347/2013 (COM(2020)0824 – C9-0417/2020 – 2020/0360(COD)) (A9-0269/2021). Before that, I would like to remind you that free seating applies with the exception of the first two rows, which are allocated to group leaders. Once you have inserted your voting card, you will be able to request catch-the-eye and blue cards via the voting device. At the same time, I would like to remind you that interventions in the Chamber will continue from the main rostrum, with the exception of catch-the-eye, blue card and procedural objections.

The meeting is now closed and will resume tomorrow, Tuesday 5th. 4. 2022 at 9.00, with a key debate on Council and Commission statements: EU protection for children and young people fleeing the war in Ukraine (2022/2618(RSP)). The agenda will be published and is available on the European Parliament's website.

The minutes of the sitting will be submitted to Parliament for approval at the beginning of its next sitting. Unless objections to the resolution adopted at today's sitting are upheld, they shall be forwarded immediately to the persons and bodies referred to therein.

The next item is the debate on the following items: – the oral question to the Council by Bernd Lange, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the state of play of the modernisation of the Energy Charter Treaty (2022/2510(RSP)) (O-000009/2022 – B9-0009/22), and – Oral question to the Commission on the state of play of the modernisation of the Energy Charter Treaty (2022/2510(RSP)), by Bernd Lange, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade (O-000008/2022 – B9-0008/22).